Fish Christmas Carol Concert

The annual FiSH Christmas Carol concert will be intergenerational this year!  The FiSH Good Afternoon Choir will perform together with the Harrodian School Choir at Christ Church, Christchurch Road, East Sheen SW14 7AW from 1.15pm to 2.30pm on Friday 6th December, led by Carl Speck and Claudie Baum.  Join in with festive singing, followed by mulled wine and mince pies.

Tickets are £5.00 and available in advance from FiSH at Barnes Green Centre, or at the door.  Doors Open 1pm.  More details on our website on  https://www.fishhelp.org.uk/news/

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Sarah Olney introduces a Ten Minute Motion on Proportional Representation

Sarah Olney MP obtained leave today (just) to introduce a system of proportional representation for parliamentary elections and for local government elections in England. The motion was adopted by 138 to 136 votes.

A synopsis of her speech follows. The full speech is at Elections (Proportional Representation) – Hansard – UK Parliament

We are experiencing an unprecedented political moment in this country. Our most recent general election, in July this year, returned a Government with the second biggest majority of seats of any Government since the second world war, but on the lowest share of the vote ever recorded for a winning party. The first-past-the-post voting system used in UK parliamentary elections has delivered two thirds of the seats in the House of Commons to the Labour party, which attracted just one third of the votes cast. Thanks to first past the post, nearly 60% of people who voted in the general election in July are not represented in Parliament by the candidate that they voted for. This is the most disproportionate election result that this country has ever seen.

We are also seeing record levels of disillusionment with the political process, with citizens becoming increasingly disengaged. This is reflected in the fact that turnout in the 2024 general election was the second lowest since 1918, at just under 60%. Over 40% of registered voters in the UK thought so little of the political process that they did not think it worth expressing a preference for one candidate over another.

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In the face of growing worldwide threats to democratic Governments and institutions, the UK needs to urgently reassert the value of participative democracy as an essential component in peaceful and prosperous societies. To do that, we need to respond to the democratic challenges that have emerged in our own country by adopting the provisions in the Bill.

In the most recent general election, the number of MPs elected to this Chamber with more than 50% of the votes cast in their constituency was just 96—a decrease from 421 in the 2019 election and 476 in the general election before that. Ten of our colleagues in this Parliament were elected with fewer than 30% of the vote of their constituents who turned out. Far fewer MPs today can say they have the support of the majority of their constituents, or even a broad base of support, than ever before.

Proportional electoral systems have been used successfully for elections in the UK’s devolved Parliaments and Assemblies since the turn of the century. One of the advantages of adopting STV for all local elections in England, as well as general elections, is that it is already in use in two of the four nations that make up the UK. Now Welsh councils also have the power to adopt STV if they wish, it may soon be three out of the four nations. Proportional representation through an STV system is not alien to the UK; millions of people across the country are already familiar with voting in that way.

The all-party parliamentary group for fair elections was launched last week with the support of over 100 MPs. Its report “Free But Not Fair” highlights many of the structural issues that have led to the decline of public trust in politics and engagement with elections.

We must take urgent action to protect democratic processes and institutions in the UK from threats here and abroad. We need to listen to the warning bells sounded by the general election that the citizens we seek to serve, and who must abide by the laws we pass, are becoming disenchanted with the political process. If we want to continue to be a beacon of democracy across the world, we must ensure that it serves its purpose in giving a voice to the people and delivering prosperity and stability. We cannot do the latter if we fail to do the former.

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Stag Brewery Public Inquiry Sittings

The Inquiry will sit at 9.30am each day from Wednesday, 4th to Friday, 6th December 2024 at Cole Court Centre. Bring warm clothing. Wednesday – heating problem solved.

The Section 106 Agreement and Conditions Round Table Sessions will now take place on Tuesday, 10th December 2024 at Clarendon Hall.

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Stag Brewery Public Inquiry: Housing Sales, Affordable and Viable?

Mr Joseph Ward, a Development Viability Advisor in the Planning Department at the GLA, quoted from a report that stated 67% of unit sales at the comparable Brentford Project had to date gone to foreign buyers.

Add to that the Teddington Riverside Project , also a Reselton development, which still has 50 units of 217 unsold since completion in 2021. In a private communication the Chief Executive of City Developments Limited, of which Reselton is a wholly owned subsidiary, said that he expected those properties to have been sold by March 2025. To whom one might ask?

Late Evidence News

Counsel for the developers said in the course of his cross examination of Mr Ward that his clients, Richmond Council and, it may be assumed the GLA, are working on a new s106 agreement (the fine details of the project) which should be ready over the next few days. The Inspector made it clear that he did not wish to be presented with serial draft agreements.

The key point which emerged was that the s106 agreeement might well include a without prejudice offer to increase the affordable housing to 13%. So it could be that an agreement would be reached which excluded the local community from any discussion of this crucial aspect of the case. Plus ca change.

Meanwhile there was some clarification of the value of the property to be applied in reaching a decision about whether the project was viable. At least from the stance of the developers. Counsel identified the concept of Existing Use Value, which led to a current value of approximately £36 million, largely agreed by Reselton, Richmond and the GLA, rather than the actual purchase price of £158 million.

Please someone issue a correction if necessary. That seems to mean that a developer can pay for land at an inflated price to ensure that he makes the winning bid. Then years later and having miscalculated on delays and negative headwinds, he can persuade the local planning authority to give permission for the development in a way which still ensures that it is the community and not he which suffers the loss.

And that is why there should have been an open debate on which the local community was properly consulted and not a concert party from which it was excluded. Is that what Councillor Roberts meant when he told a local meeting to ‘Get Real’?

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Stag Brewery Public Inquiry: Unit Values

Amid the miasma of complex evidence about viability and the level of affordable housing being submitted to the Public Inquiry, readers might be interested to be reminded of some interesting figures on how the the 1085 residential units would be constructed.

These are a total of 1,010 rather than the planned 1,085 units

27 Studio at an average value of £511,111 per unit

271 one bed at an average value of £627, 694 per unit

473 two bed at an average value of £856,818 per unit

221 three bed at an average value of £1,289, 412 per unit

18 four bed at an average value of £1,690,278 per unit

Who will be buying these? How many will go to overseas buyers?

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Stag Brewery Public Inquiry Restarts

The Inquiry restarted today at Cole Court at 10am. Viability is the key question of the day. Cost of acquisition £158 million. Viability based on £32 million. Why? Let us hope we get an explanation today.

Smaller than Clarendon Hall but adequate. Livestreaming is working. But it could be renamed as Cold Court. The Inspector is wearing his overcoat!

Wifi OK. Evidence to come from Paul Giles on affordable housing, David Seddon on viability and Mark Weston on local need for social housing.

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Parish week

Mothers’ Union Bring and Buy coffee morning at St Mary’s on Saturday 7 December at 10.15am 

Macmillan Carol Concert at All Saints at 6.00pm on Saturday 7 December (tickets £15 on the door) 

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Kew Retail Park Development

Sarah Olney MP has also reported in her latest weekly newsletter that St George’s, the company behind the proposed Kew Retail Park, has decided to maintain it as retail space “for the foreseeable future”. This means that no plans are in place for a major development of the site.

This may have implications for the Stag Brewery Development. When St. George’s announced its ‘vision’ in 2022 the plan was for 1200 residential units. Richmond Council based part of its calculations of the need for a 1200 pupil secondary school in Mortlake on expected pupils in Kew.

Many already thought that those calculations were exaggerated, but this news would appear to put an additional dent in the Council plans. What will they now be saying to the Department for Education for the purposes of its review of the central government funding of free school projects?

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Sarah Olney MP on the Terminally Ill Adults (End of Life) Bill

Sarah Olney has published her (well argued) letter about the Bill in Richmond Park News and on her website. It is just the kind of issue that should be debated locally and not just among those who subscribe to her LibDem Newssheet. 

She writes:

I have decided to vote against the Second Reading of the Terminally Ill Adults (End of Life) Bill this afternoon.

I have taken a long time to reach this decision, and it has been informed by a great deal of reading, consultation and – above all – correspondence with constituents who have made passionate and very personal cases on both sides of the debate. I am extremely grateful to everybody who has taken the time to share their thoughts with me and I have carefully read every email and considered what each constituent had to say. I am particularly grateful to people who shared difficult and painful experiences of losing loved ones, and of watching them suffer intensely at the end. I want to express my heartfelt sympathies to you all, and also my sincere thanks for your bravery in reliving those very difficult times. I can assure you that your messages were both appreciated and instructive.

I know that I am instinctively against the idea of assisted dying. I believe that as long as there is the ability to have meaningful human interaction and the capacity to feel joy, then life is always worth living. But, I am comfortable living in a world where people have access to options that I wouldn’t choose, especially where people would otherwise suffer a material harm.

There is a clear case for assisted dying. To ease the passage of those who are experiencing great pain and distress at the end of life and to give them some peace of mind and control over their final days. I am persuaded that there are situations where the law should not stand in the way of allowing people to choose this.

However, I am concerned that if we change the law to allow assisted dying, the consequences are difficult to predict. If assisted dying is allowed, will those suffering from a terminal illness feel that, by not choosing assisted dying, they are instead choosing to continue living, and choosing to be (as they may perceive it) a burden on their families? I cannot assess how likely or widespread this feeling may be. But I do worry that these concerns may weigh more heavily on the elderly and the disabled.

So, it is not easy to see which path is likely to lead to the greatest reduction of harm. How can we balance the rights of people to end their lives with dignity against the danger that people may feel under unwarranted pressure to make that choice?

It is clear to me that we should proceed with great care and caution in our framing of this legislation. The worst possible outcome would be a flawed bill that potentially puts vulnerable people at risk.

I have a huge amount of respect for Kim Leadbeater, the MP for Spen Valley who has brought this Bill before Parliament. I am grateful to her for the respectful and constructive way that she has conducted the lead up to today’s debate, and for her brave and passionate opening speech in the Chamber this morning. However, I believe that there are flaws in the way that the Bill has been drafted.

If the Bill passes at Second Reading today, there will be opportunities at Committee Stage and Report Stage to amend it and to address some of its shortcomings. But we can only amend the original draft. A government bill would have had extensive pre-legislative consultation and scrutiny before the initial draft came before the House. Private Members’ Bills frequently fail because they run out of time to complete all their stages in the time allocated, and I am concerned that a desire to get the stages completed in the limited time available will take precedence over the need to get the legislation framed properly. This is a flaw of the PMB process as much as of the Bill itself.

But it doesn’t give me confidence that we have time to fully consider all the implications of the proposed law or that the process will enable us to be sure that the vulnerable are fully protected. Given the profound implications of getting the legislation wrong, and the inherent risks of the legislative process, I have decided to vote against this bill today. I know that this will be an enormous disappointment for the many constituents who have written to me to urge me to vote in support. Many people have formed a firm view in favour of assisted dying in response to a traumatic experience of watching a loved one die, and I know that those people may think that I don’t understand how it feels.

I do understand. By coincidence, tomorrow – 30th November – is the anniversary of the awful day that my husband and I had to decide to switch off our son’s life support machine. We will be grieving his loss over the weekend, wishing we could relive that final hour one more time, and fruitlessly wondering what kind of person he would be now if he had survived. But we can grieve in peace, knowing that there was no choice, because his life was over.

I am sorry – truly sorry – if my vote today doesn’t reflect how you feel about your own experience of grief and loss. But it does reflect mine. And I hope you don’t doubt the depth of compassion and empathy I feel for the bereaved and grieving.

I am happy to continue to correspond with constituents who would like to share their thoughts. If the vote passes at Second Reading, then there will be more stages to come, and more opportunities for me to reflect upon the decisions to be made. I welcome all and every message that constituents wish to share.

Sarah Olney MP

See also yesterday’s post above

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The Stag Brewery Public Inquiry: Mid-term report

We have had two weeks of evidence with two further weeks to come. What might be considered the most important evidence, on viability and affordable housing, will be heard over three days from Tuesday, 3 December 2024.

It can be seen what a coup it was to force the hand of Richmond Council to organise livestreaming of the hearings. Enabling residents to dip in and out of the evidence without having to sit around in Twickenham has enabled the community to engage in a far better informed debate than would otherwise have been the case.

One question frequently asked as a consequence is what will the outcome be? Put simply we will not know until the end of February at the earliest. The Inspector has played his cards very close to his chest.

What one can say is that the answer is not obvious. The Council and the developers might have thought at the beginning of the year that it was a foregone conclusion, a routine exercise in overcoming annoying local opposition. That is far from the case with an array of experts shedding considerable doubt on the suitability of the plans. People who may have thought this has been an empty brownfield site for too long, so we should accept any plan are voices now more rarely heard as the shortcomings have become apparent in open evidence rather than contained behind closed doors.

One useful test to consider is this. If the Inspector were to refuse the applications and the Minister declined to overturn his decision, would the Council or the developers appeal the decision to the Courts? Surely not. It would be difficult to overturn a decision, judicial or political, which had as its foundations;

an attempt to drive a coach and horses through a central tenet of affordable housing policy;

a planning decision based on community need rather than profit for the developers; and

a refusal to allow the character of Mortlake to be changed at a stroke.

A reasonable Council should already be planning for that possibility. It would be highly unwise and open to severe criticism if they were all to wake up to the new moon on 28 February 2025 and say to themselves ‘Oh dear, what shall we do now?’.

There are several options. No doubt Council Leaders will be sharpening their poisoned arrows to be loosed off at the Mayor of London, the Minister of Housing, Communities and Local Government and the residents of SW14, who they like to caricature as nimbies.

They could simply revert to the original planning brief. In the current climate and in the face of government decisions to be taken about funding new schools, it would surely not be difficult to engage with the Department of Education to change the school plans.

They would lose part of the Community Infrastructure Levy, but if they lose the case, they will lose that anyway. Lose, lose, lose. They would do better to seek to offset that loss by putting in place plans based on the original Planning Brief and accepting that they cannot squeeze the quart into a pint pot.

It would be a loss of face which the current Leaders may not be prepared to contemplate. But positive political thinking might approach the problem on the basis that, eighteen months on from the original planning decision and having heard all the evidence afresh, we can see the benefits of the original scheme of scaled down, more spacious, less high, residential units and a safer spot for a primary school, which might even give our transport thinking a chance of working.

But will they move out of their tunnel vision?

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